Billionaires rally victims of globalisation to exploit the ineptitude of practical reason. Trump — and his counterparts in the UK, Italy, Hungary, Poland, Brazil, and elsewhere—arrive at a time when it is easier to gather a crowd than ever before. Thanks to Silicon Valley knowhow, billions of people have acquired printing presses. They are their own gatekeepers.
At the keyboard, they can convene rallies. They can snipe at mainstream views. Not least because of the cleverness of Rupert Murdoch, they are installed in their own large-scale media. They fancy they are the true majority. They relish their revolts against reason. Not to say that the legions of unreason are destined to triumph forever. The alliances they represent are not necessarily stable.
They too blunder. But for a host of contingencies—not least the retrograde nature of the American Electoral College—they would not have succeeded in planting Donald Trump in the White House. But what the necessary Enlightenment has not confronted is the emergence of formidable blocs that loathe the educated classes and 'their' reason—which they see as weaponry deployed against them.
The scale of these blocs varies. In the United States, the impermeable bloc has seized the Republican Party and accounts for some percent of the adult population. In the foreseeable future, these blocs will not disappear. Nihilists will continue to flourish. The global climate emergency is kind to them. The old irrationalities will ferment in new bottles of conspiracy theory.
Reason is not on automatic pilot. There are no guarantees. But the poisons can—they must—be contained. Sign in to post comments or join now only takes a moment. Don't have an account?
Feminism and the Politics of Pleasure: Lynne Segal on Straight Sex, Second Time Around
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Politics of Pleasure
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The Politics of Pleasure in Sexuality Education: Pleasure Bound - CRC Press Book
Robin Jarvis. Aesthetics and English Studies. Adrian Page. Though she was now retiring, having reached the grand old age of For sure, many of us young women then were eager to partake of the new sexual freedoms that came along with the consumer-oriented swinging Sixties, a time of full employment, increased wages and, by the close of the decade, for some of us, youthful rebellion.
Having sex, and flaunting rather than hiding it, was the single main way some young women in the Sixties felt we were rebelling against parental and bourgeois norms. Street-fighting Man, working class heroes, were battling women, and any constraints of domestic responsibility, along with other authorities. At least that was the mood among most of the women's liberation groups that began meeting in Britain in This was the mood that produced the first commercially successful British feminist magazine, Spare Rib, in But it had to be a feminist or 'liberated' type of sexuality, with, or without, a man.
How on earth do we talk about that? It seemed to grow harder, not easier, as the years passed. Moreover, despite the fearful impediments she herself has faced, Shulman has remained largely optimistic and positive about her loving relations with men ever since.
It would lead at least some feminists to turn to psychoanalysis as they began to explore sexuality itself as a crucible of contradictions and misunderstandings, especially between women and men. It was also weakened when we observed the abiding resilient of the phallocentric or male-centred nature of almost all our existing images and iconography of sex, desire and subjectivity — however much we earnestly tried to rethink and refashion them all.
And then again, any simple feminist search for independence, parity and control in our intimate relationships met with the inescapable contrariness of sexual passion. Like it or not, and many of us did not, some level of confusion and contention were quite inevitable if straight women were to wade our way through that sea sexual contradictions. This was certainly a problem, when the world at large tends to think it knows all too much about what sex is, who should practice it, and how. The difficulty was all the greater given the ever-expanding sexual marketplace, alongside media fashions and fixations targeting sexual fears and longing.
Thus Catharine MacKinnon, like her fellow American anti-pornography campaigner, Andrea Dworkin, insisted that there was no way even to imagine any passionate harmony between women and men in the current terms of intimacy: 'What looks like love and romance in the liberal view,' MacKinnon insisted, 'looks a lot like hatred and torture in the feminist view.
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